Security Issues in India

Overview

India's security environment is among the most complex in the world. It faces simultaneous challenges across virtually every domain of national security: a persistent Maoist insurgency in its heartland, multiple ethnic insurgencies in the Northeast, the ever-present threat of cross-border terrorism from Pakistan, an increasingly assertive China on its northern frontier, rising cyber threats targeting critical infrastructure, and communal violence that strains its social fabric. Managing these diverse threats requires not just military and police capacity but also political will, economic development, diplomatic skill, and societal resilience.

The concept of "national security" in India has expanded considerably since independence. While early concerns focused primarily on territorial defense against Pakistan and China, contemporary security policy must address non-traditional threats: cyber attacks on power grids and financial systems, information warfare and disinformation campaigns, climate-induced migration and resource conflicts, pandemic preparedness, and the security implications of emerging technologies like artificial intelligence and autonomous weapons. The distinction between "internal" and "external" security has blurred, as external actors exploit internal fault lines and internal conflicts acquire international dimensions.

This module examines India's security challenges across six domains: internal security (Naxalism, Northeast insurgency, communal violence), defense and armed forces, terrorism, cyber security, border management, and intelligence agencies. The goal is to provide citizens with the context necessary to understand security policy debates, evaluate government claims, and recognize the trade-offs inherent in security measures — particularly those that implicate civil liberties and democratic values.

Internal Security: Naxalism, Insurgency, and Communal Violence

The Maoist (Naxalite) Insurgency

The Communist Party of India (Maoist), commonly known as the Naxalites, leads the most significant internal security threat India has faced in recent decades. The movement traces its origins to the 1967 Naxalbari uprising in West Bengal, inspired by Maoist ideology and the belief that revolutionary violence by peasants and tribal communities could overthrow the Indian state. Today, the Maoists operate primarily in the forested and mineral-rich regions of central and eastern India — the so-called "Red Corridor" spanning parts of Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Odisha, Bihar, Maharashtra, and Andhra Pradesh.

• Root causes: The Maoist insurgency persists because it draws on genuine grievances: displacement of tribal communities for mining and development projects, lack of land rights, absence of government services in remote areas, exploitation by contractors and moneylenders, and brutal treatment by local police. The Maoists have built support networks among Adivasi communities by providing rough justice, protecting land rights, and filling governance vacuums left by the state. Understanding the insurgency requires recognizing that it is both a security threat and a symptom of developmental failure.
• Tactics and organization: The CPI (Maoist) operates through armed guerrilla squads, mass organizations, and front groups. Its military wing, the People's Liberation Guerrilla Army (PLGA), conducts ambushes on security forces, attacks on government property, and assassinations of "class enemies" — including politicians, police informers, and alleged police agents. The Maoists have demonstrated sophisticated military capabilities, including the use of improvised explosive devices (IEDs), which have caused the majority of security force casualties.
• Government response: The government's approach combines security operations with development initiatives. Operation Green Hunt (2009–2010) marked a major offensive, deploying Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and state police battalions in coordinated operations. However, poorly planned operations have often alienated local populations and led to human rights abuses, including fake encounters and sexual violence. The Salwa Judum — a state-supported vigilante militia in Chhattisgarh — was particularly controversial and was eventually disbanded by court order. The current strategy emphasizes "SAMADHAN" (an acronym covering smart leadership, aggressive strategy, motivation and training, actionable intelligence, dashboard-based key performance indicators, harnessing technology, action plan for each theatre, and no access to financing for insurgents).
• Current status: By official accounts, Naxalite violence has declined significantly since its peak in the late 2000s. The number of affected districts has shrunk, and several senior Maoist leaders have been killed or arrested. However, the insurgency remains active in core areas, particularly the Bastar region of Chhattisgarh, and continues to inflict significant casualties on security forces. The April 2021 ambush in Sukma, Chhattisgarh, which killed 22 security personnel, demonstrated the Maoists' continued operational capacity.

Northeast Insurgency

India's Northeast — comprising eight states connected to the rest of the country by a narrow corridor (the "Chicken's Neck") — has witnessed some of the longest-running insurgencies in modern history. The region's ethnic and linguistic diversity, historical isolation, feelings of economic neglect, and cultural differences from "mainland" India have fueled multiple separatist and autonomy movements.

• Historical context: The Nagas were among the first to raise the banner of armed resistance, declaring independence in 1947 and fighting the Indian Army in the 1950s. The Naga National Council (NNC), led by Angami Zapu Phizo, sought full independence, while later factions like the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) pursued both independence and greater autonomy within India. The Mizo National Front (MNF) waged an armed insurgency in Mizoram from 1966 until the 1986 peace accord, which granted Mizoram full statehood. In Assam, the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) sought independence from 1979 until most of its leadership entered peace negotiations in the 2010s. Manipur has seen the most fragmented insurgency landscape, with dozens of groups representing different ethnic communities (Meitei, Naga, Kuki-Zo) fighting both the Indian state and each other.
• AFSPA and human rights: The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958 (AFSPA) grants sweeping powers to the military in "disturbed areas," including the authority to arrest without warrant, enter premises without warrant, and shoot to kill with immunity from prosecution. AFSPA has been in force in parts of the Northeast for over six decades and remains deeply controversial. Human rights organizations have documented thousands of extrajudicial killings, torture, and sexual violence by security forces operating under AFSPA. The 2004 protest by Manipuri women — the "Meira Paibis" (torch-bearing mothers) — who stripped naked in front of the Assam Rifles headquarters in Imphal with the banner "Indian Army Rape Us," drew national and international attention to the issue. The Justice Verma Committee (2013) and multiple Supreme Court judgments have called for AFSPA's repeal or reform, but it remains in force.
• Peace processes: Several Northeast insurgencies have been resolved or partially resolved through peace accords. The 1986 Mizo Accord is widely regarded as the most successful, transforming Mizoram from a conflict zone to one of India's most peaceful states. The 2015 Naga Framework Agreement between the Government of India and the NSCN (IM faction) raised hopes for a final settlement of the world's longest-running insurgency, but implementation has stalled over disagreements about a separate Naga flag, constitution, and the integration of Naga-inhabited areas in neighboring states. The 2023 ethnic violence in Manipur — between the predominantly Hindu Meitei majority and the predominantly Christian Kuki-Zo minority — represented a devastating setback for peace in the region, killing hundreds and displacing tens of thousands.

Communal Violence

Communal violence — primarily Hindu-Muslim, but also involving other communities — has been a recurrent feature of Indian politics since independence. The partition riots of 1947 killed an estimated one to two million people. Major incidents since then include the 1969 Gujarat riots, the 1984 anti-Sikh pogroms in Delhi following Indira Gandhi's assassination, the 1992–93 Bombay riots after the Babri Masjid demolition, the 2002 Gujarat riots, and numerous smaller incidents.

• Legal framework: The Indian Penal Code contains provisions for rioting (Section 147), unlawful assembly (Section 141), and promoting enmity between groups (Section 153A). The Communal Violence (Prevention, Control and Rehabilitation of Victims) Bill was proposed multiple times but never passed. The Supreme Court has issued guidelines for police conduct during communal violence, including the obligation to register FIRs and protect victims. However, prosecution rates remain low, and political interference in police action during riots is well-documented.
• Role of police and administration: Multiple inquiry commissions — from the Srikrishna Commission (Bombay riots) to the Nanavati-Shah Commission (Gujarat 2002) — have found that police often failed to protect minority communities and in some cases actively participated in violence. The problem is structural: police forces are understaffed, undertrained, and politically subordinated. The colonial-era Police Act of 1861, which still governs most state police forces, makes the police accountable to political executives rather than to the law or the public.
• Hate speech and incitement: The rise of social media has transformed the dynamics of communal violence. WhatsApp forwards, Facebook posts, and Twitter campaigns spread rumors, hate speech, and doctored videos at unprecedented speed. The 2013 Muzaffarnagar riots were triggered in part by a fake video circulated on social media. The government's response — internet shutdowns, content takedowns, and criminal charges — has been criticized as both ineffective and as tools for suppressing dissent.

Defense and Armed Forces

Structure and Organization

India's armed forces are the third-largest in the world by active personnel, with approximately 1.4 million active troops and 2.1 million reserves. The forces are organized into three services — the Indian Army, the Indian Navy, and the Indian Air Force — under the Ministry of Defence. The Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) position, created in 2019, is meant to provide unified command and integrate the three services, though full integration remains a work in progress.

• Indian Army: The largest of the three services, with approximately 1.2 million personnel. The Army is organized into six operational commands (Northern, Western, Central, Eastern, Southern, and South Western) and one training command. It faces the unique challenge of maintaining preparedness along two contested borders — with Pakistan in the west and China in the north — while simultaneously conducting counterinsurgency operations in Jammu & Kashmir and the Northeast. The Army's mountain divisions, trained for high-altitude warfare in the Himalayas, are among the most specialized forces in the world.
• Indian Navy: With approximately 67,000 personnel and a fleet of over 130 vessels, the Indian Navy is the dominant naval force in the Indian Ocean region. Its strategic doctrine emphasizes "sea control" in the Indian Ocean and "power projection" beyond it. The Navy operates two aircraft carriers (INS Vikramaditya and INS Vikrant), nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarines (Arihant class), and is developing a third carrier. The "Indo-Pacific" concept and the Quad (India, US, Japan, Australia) partnership reflect India's growing maritime strategic ambitions.
• Indian Air Force: With approximately 140,000 personnel and over 1,700 aircraft, the IAF is the fourth-largest air force in the world. It operates a mix of Russian-origin (Su-30MKI, MiG-29), French (Rafale), and indigenous (Tejas) aircraft. The IAF faces a critical shortage of fighter squadrons — down to 31 from a sanctioned strength of 42 — due to the delayed retirement of aging MiG-21s and slow induction of new aircraft.
• Paramilitary and Central Armed Police Forces: India maintains an extensive array of paramilitary forces under the Ministry of Home Affairs, including the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), Border Security Force (BSF), Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP), Sashastra Seema Bal (SSB), and Central Industrial Security Force (CISF). These forces, numbering over one million personnel, handle internal security, border guarding, and industrial protection, freeing the Army for external defense. However, they have been criticized for inadequate training, poor equipment, and high stress levels — the CRPF suffers the highest casualty rates in Naxalite operations.

Defense Modernization and Indigenous Programs

India has historically been one of the world's largest arms importers, dependent on Russia (formerly the Soviet Union) for the majority of its weaponry. Over the past two decades, however, there has been a concerted push toward "Atmanirbhar Bharat" (self-reliant India) in defense production, with mixed results.

• Tejas Light Combat Aircraft: India's indigenously developed fighter aircraft, designed to replace the aging MiG-21 fleet. The Tejas program began in the 1980s and has faced decades of delays and technical challenges. The Mark 1 variant entered service in 2016, and the improved Mark 1A variant was approved in 2021. While the Tejas represents a significant achievement in domestic aerospace capability, it is still dependent on a US-made engine (General Electric F404) and foreign avionics.
• Arjun Main Battle Tank: India's indigenous tank program, developed by the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) and produced by the Heavy Vehicles Factory in Avadi. The Arjun Mk-1 entered service in 2004, but the Army has been reluctant to induct it in large numbers, citing weight and mobility issues. The improved Mk-1A variant was approved in 2021, but the Army continues to prefer Russian-origin T-90s.
• INS Vikrant: India's first indigenously built aircraft carrier, commissioned in 2022. Constructed at Cochin Shipyard, the Vikrant represents a major milestone in Indian shipbuilding capability. However, it does not yet operate with a full air wing, and its MiG-29K aircraft have faced reliability issues. The planned indigenous fighter for carrier operations is still under development.
• BrahMos missile: A supersonic cruise missile developed jointly with Russia, capable of being launched from land, sea, air, and submarine platforms. The BrahMos is one of India's most successful defense programs and has been exported to the Philippines. An extended-range version (BrahMos-ER) and a hypersonic successor (BrahMos-II) are under development.
• Arihant-class nuclear submarines: India's first nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarines (SSBNs), developed under the Advanced Technology Vessel (ATV) program. The INS Arihant was commissioned in 2016, followed by INS Arighat in 2024. These submarines form the sea-based leg of India's nuclear triad, ensuring second-strike capability. The program represents one of India's most closely guarded and strategically significant defense projects.

The Agnipath Scheme

In June 2022, the Government of India announced the Agnipath scheme, fundamentally transforming military recruitment. Under the scheme, soldiers ("Agniveers") are recruited for a four-year term, of which only 25% are retained for permanent service. The remaining 75% are discharged with a lump-sum payment but no pension or other benefits.

• Rationale: The government argued that the scheme would reduce the defense pension burden — which consumes over 50% of the defense budget and is growing rapidly — and create a younger, fitter military force. It was also framed as an employment generation scheme, with discharged Agniveers expected to bring discipline and skills to the civilian workforce.
• Controversy: The announcement triggered widespread protests across northern India, particularly in Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, and Rajasthan. Protesters — many of whom had been preparing for military recruitment for years — argued that the scheme eliminated the job security and pension benefits that made military service attractive. The short-term nature of service was seen as undermining the ethos of a professional military and creating a class of disgruntled, unemployed young men with military training. Critics also pointed out that the scheme was announced without parliamentary debate or consultation with military leadership.
• Current status: Despite protests, the government proceeded with implementation. The first batch of Agniveers was recruited in 2022–2023. The long-term impact on military readiness, morale, and retention remains to be seen. The Army has reportedly faced challenges in filling all Agniveer vacancies, suggesting that the scheme has made military service less attractive to the traditional recruiting base.

Terrorism: Cross-Border and Homegrown

Cross-Border Terrorism from Pakistan

India has faced cross-border terrorism from Pakistan-based groups since the 1980s, particularly in Jammu & Kashmir. The insurgency in Kashmir, which began in 1989, was fueled by weapons, training, and fighters from Pakistan. Over the decades, Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) has supported multiple terrorist groups operating against India.

• Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT): Founded in 1987 by Hafiz Saeed with ISI support, LeT is arguably the most dangerous Pakistan-based terrorist group targeting India. It has carried out numerous high-profile attacks, including the 2001 Indian Parliament attack, the 2005 Delhi bombings, the 2006 Mumbai train bombings, and the 26/11 Mumbai attacks. The 26/11 attacks — in which 10 LeT gunmen laid siege to Mumbai for four days, killing 166 people — represented a new level of sophistication, involving maritime infiltration, multiple simultaneous targets, and real-time coordination with handlers in Pakistan.
• Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM): Founded by Masood Azhar in 2000 after his release from Indian custody in exchange for hostages of the hijacked IC-814 flight, JeM is another ISI-sponsored group focused on Kashmir. It has carried out major attacks including the 2001 Indian Parliament attack (jointly with LeT), the 2016 Pathankot airbase attack, the 2019 Pulwama bombing (in which a suicide bomber killed 40 CRPF personnel), and the 2025 Pahalgam attack.
• Major attacks and India's response: The 2016 Uri attack (19 soldiers killed) prompted India's "surgical strikes" across the Line of Control (LoC), publicly acknowledged for the first time. The 2019 Pulwama attack triggered the Balakot airstrike, in which Indian Air Force Mirage-2000 jets struck a JeM training camp in Pakistan's Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province — the first aerial strike deep inside Pakistan since the 1971 war. The 2025 Pahalgam attack (26 tourists killed) led to Operation Sindoor, a series of precision strikes on nine targets in Pakistan and Pakistan-administered Kashmir. These escalating responses reflect India's evolving doctrine of "proactive defense" and "punitive retaliation."
• International dimensions: India's counterterrorism diplomacy has focused on isolating Pakistan internationally and securing designations of Pakistan-based groups and individuals at the UN Security Council. The designation of Masood Azhar as a global terrorist in 2019 (after China lifted its hold) was a diplomatic victory. India has also emphasized the threat of terrorism in multilateral forums, including the G20 and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation.

Homegrown Terrorism

While cross-border terrorism dominates headlines, India has also faced significant threats from homegrown terrorist groups, particularly from 2005–2015.

• Indian Mujahideen (IM): A shadowy network of radicalized Indian Muslims, IM carried out a string of bombings across Indian cities between 2005 and 2013, including the 2008 Ahmedabad and Delhi serial blasts. IM was believed to have links with LeT and HUJI (Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami) but was composed primarily of Indian nationals, many of them educated and from middle-class backgrounds. The group has been largely dismantled through arrests and encounters, though sleeper cells may persist.
• Saffron terror: Investigations into the 2006 Malegaon blasts, the 2007 Samjhauta Express bombing, and the 2008 Modasa and Malegaon blasts revealed the involvement of Hindu extremist groups, including Abhinav Bharat and the Sanatan Sanstha. The term "saffron terror" — controversial and contested — refers to terrorism motivated by Hindu nationalist ideology. The investigations were marked by controversy, with allegations of political interference and claims that the original investigators (including Hemant Karkare, who was killed during 26/11) were targeted for pursuing the saffron terror angle.
• Radicalization: The ISIS phenomenon raised concerns about online radicalization of Indian Muslims. While the number of Indians who joined ISIS was relatively small (estimates range from 50 to 150), the potential for online radicalization — particularly through social media and encrypted messaging apps — remains a concern. The government has banned ISIS and prosecuted individuals for membership and propaganda, but preventive counter-radicalization programs remain underdeveloped.

Legal Framework

• Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA), 1967: India's primary anti-terrorism law, significantly amended in 2004, 2008, and 2019. UAPA allows the designation of individuals as "terrorists" (2019 amendment), extended detention without charge (up to 180 days), and bail provisions that are extremely difficult to satisfy. The law has been criticized for draconian provisions, low conviction rates (under 3%), and its use against political dissidents, journalists, and activists — particularly in Kashmir and among Adivasi communities. The Bhima Koregaon case, in which activists and lawyers were arrested under UAPA, drew international criticism.
• National Investigation Agency (NIA): Created after the 26/11 attacks, the NIA is India's federal counterterrorism investigation agency. It has nationwide jurisdiction and handles cases related to terrorism, nuclear threats, and organized crime with international dimensions. The NIA has been effective in investigating major cases but has been criticized for political bias in some investigations.
• Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA), 2002: A predecessor to the amended UAPA, POTA was even more draconian and was repealed in 2004 after widespread abuse. Its legacy includes ongoing prosecutions and the continued detention of individuals arrested under the act.

Cyber Security and Digital Threats

The Threat Landscape

As India rapidly digitizes — with over 800 million internet users, the world's largest biometric database (Aadhaar), and increasing critical infrastructure connected to networks — it faces a rapidly expanding cyber threat landscape. India's cyber security infrastructure has struggled to keep pace with its digital ambitions.

• State-sponsored attacks: Indian government networks, defense establishments, and critical infrastructure face persistent attacks attributed to state-sponsored groups, primarily from China and Pakistan. The "Red Echo" campaign (2021) targeted India's power grid infrastructure, coinciding with the Ladakh standoff. The "SideCopy" and "Transparent Tribe" groups, linked to Pakistan, have targeted Indian military and diplomatic personnel through spear-phishing. Chinese groups like "APT10" and "Winnti" have targeted Indian pharmaceutical, technology, and research institutions.
• Ransomware and criminal activity: Indian organizations — including hospitals, municipalities, and corporations — have been increasingly targeted by ransomware attacks. The 2021 attack on AIIMS Delhi, which crippled the hospital's digital systems for weeks, highlighted the vulnerability of critical healthcare infrastructure. The financial sector has also been targeted, with multiple Indian banks reporting data breaches.
• Data breaches and identity theft: India has witnessed massive data breaches, including the 2018 Aadhaar data leak (though UIDAI denied the breach), leaks of railway passenger data, and breaches of government websites exposing personal information of millions. The absence of a comprehensive data protection law until 2023 left Indian citizens with minimal legal recourse.
• Disinformation and information warfare: Social media platforms have become battlegrounds for information warfare. During the 2019 and 2024 general elections, both domestic and foreign actors used fake accounts, bot networks, and targeted disinformation to influence public opinion. The COVID-19 pandemic saw an explosion of health-related misinformation, including conspiracy theories about vaccines and treatments.

Institutional Response

• CERT-In (Indian Computer Emergency Response Team): The national nodal agency for cyber security incidents, responsible for responding to cyber attacks, issuing alerts, and coordinating with sectoral CERTs. CERT-In has been criticized for slow response times and limited technical capacity. The agency's mandate was expanded in 2022, requiring organizations to report cyber incidents within six hours and mandating maintenance of ICT system logs for 180 days.
• National Cyber Security Policy (2013) and Strategy (2020): The 2013 policy set out a vision for securing India's cyberspace but was widely criticized for lacking implementation mechanisms and adequate funding. The National Cyber Security Strategy 2020 (draft) proposed a more comprehensive framework, including a National Cyber Security Coordinator, sector-specific guidelines, and a Cyber Security Awareness program, but has not been formally adopted as of 2025.
• Digital Personal Data Protection Act (DPDP), 2023: India's first comprehensive data protection law, passed after years of debate and multiple iterations (including the Srikrishna Committee draft of 2018 and the withdrawn 2019 bill). The DPDP Act establishes a framework for processing personal data, grants individuals rights over their data, and creates the Data Protection Board of India. However, it has been criticized for excessive exemptions for government agencies, weak provisions on cross-border data transfer, and inadequate independence of the regulatory body.
• Cyber security workforce gap: India faces a massive shortage of cyber security professionals, with estimates suggesting a gap of over one million trained personnel. Educational institutions have been slow to develop specialized cyber security curricula, and the private sector poaches talent from government agencies, leaving public institutions under-resourced.

Border Management

China: The Line of Actual Control (LAC)

The India-China border — stretching over 3,488 km across some of the world's most inhospitable terrain — remains undefined and contested. The two countries fought a war in 1962, and the border has never been formally demarcated. The two sides maintain differing perceptions of the "Line of Actual Control" (LAC), leading to frequent face-offs and standoffs.

• The 2020 Galwan standoff: The most serious border crisis in decades began in May 2020, when Chinese troops moved into Indian-claimed territory at multiple points in eastern Ladakh. The crisis peaked on June 15, 2020, when 20 Indian soldiers were killed in hand-to-hand combat in the Galwan Valley — the first fatal clash on the LAC since 1975. Chinese casualties were also reported but not officially acknowledged. The standoff led to a massive military buildup on both sides, with India deploying over 50,000 additional troops to Ladakh. Despite multiple rounds of diplomatic and military talks (the "Wuhan Spirit" and subsequent agreements), disengagement has been partial and fragile.
• Infrastructure race: Both countries have engaged in a frenetic build-up of border infrastructure — roads, bridges, tunnels, airfields, and troop accommodations. India's tardiness in building infrastructure along the LAC (partly due to environmental concerns and bureaucratic delays) was a major factor in the 2020 crisis, as Indian troops could not match Chinese mobilization speed. The Border Roads Organisation (BRO) has accelerated road construction, including the strategically vital Darbuk-Shyok-Daulat Beg Oldie (DS-DBO) road.
• Strategic implications: The 2020 crisis fundamentally changed India's China policy. The "Wuhan Spirit" of engagement following the 2018 informal summit was abandoned. India banned over 200 Chinese apps (including TikTok), tightened investment rules, and deepened strategic partnerships with the Quad, particularly the US. The crisis also highlighted India's dependence on Chinese imports in critical sectors, accelerating "China Plus One" strategies and domestic manufacturing initiatives.

Pakistan: The Line of Control (LoC)

The Line of Control (LoC) in Jammu & Kashmir — established after the 1971 war and the Simla Agreement — is one of the most volatile borders in the world. It is heavily militarized, with an estimated 700,000–1,000,000 Indian security personnel deployed in J&K, making it one of the most militarized regions on earth.

• Ceasefire violations: The 2003 India-Pakistan ceasefire agreement reduced violence along the LoC significantly, but violations increased after 2014, with both sides exchanging artillery and small-arms fire. The ceasefire was reinstated in February 2021, and violations dropped dramatically, but tensions remain high. Each side accuses the other of initiating fire and of providing cover for infiltration by militants.
• Infiltration and counter-infiltration: The LoC is fenced for most of its length, with an elaborate system of sensors, cameras, and patrol tracks. Despite this, infiltration by Pakistan-based militants continues, particularly in sectors like Uri, Tangdhar, and Gurez. The Indian Army maintains a multi-tier counter-infiltration grid, but the difficult terrain and local support networks make complete sealing impossible.
• The Kashmir dispute: The revocation of Article 370 in August 2019 — which stripped Jammu & Kashmir of its special status and bifurcated it into two Union Territories — fundamentally altered the constitutional and political framework. Pakistan downgraded diplomatic relations, suspended trade, and approached the UN Security Council. India maintained that the move was an internal matter. The region remained under severe security restrictions for months, with internet shutdowns lasting over a year in some areas (the longest internet shutdown ever imposed in a democracy).

Bangladesh and Coastal Borders

• Bangladesh border: The India-Bangladesh border (4,096 km) is the longest land border India shares with any country. It is marked by the Border Security Force (BSF) on the Indian side and the Border Guards Bangladesh (BGB). The border has been a source of tension over illegal migration (particularly into Assam and West Bengal), cattle smuggling, and the killings of Bangladeshi nationals by the BSF. The 2015 Land Boundary Agreement, which resolved enclaves and adverse possessions, was a major diplomatic achievement but implementation remains incomplete. The National Register of Citizens (NRC) exercise in Assam, which excluded 1.9 million people, raised fears of statelessness and deportation.
• Coastal security: The 26/11 attacks exposed severe gaps in India's coastal security. The attackers traveled from Karachi to Mumbai by sea, undetected by India's naval and coastal radar systems. In response, India established the Sagar Prahari Bal (SPB) — a coastal police force — and set up coastal radar chains, Automatic Identification System (AIS) networks, and improved patrolling. However, India's vast coastline (7,516 km) and numerous islands remain difficult to police comprehensively.

Intelligence Agencies

Research and Analysis Wing (RAW)

RAW is India's external intelligence agency, established in 1968 following the intelligence failures of the 1965 war with Pakistan. It operates under the Cabinet Secretariat and reports directly to the Prime Minister.

• Mandate and operations: RAW's primary mandate is external intelligence gathering, counterintelligence, and covert operations. It operates across South Asia, with particular focus on Pakistan, China, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and Afghanistan. RAW has been credited with supporting the Mukti Bahini during the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War, intelligence support during the 1999 Kargil War, and covert operations against Pakistan-based terrorist groups. However, details of its operations are classified, and public knowledge is limited to occasional revelations and declassified material.
• Controversies: RAW has faced allegations of political interference, particularly in domestic politics (though its mandate is external). The agency has been criticized for intelligence failures, including the 1999 Kargil intrusion and the 2008 Mumbai attacks. Internal rivalries with the Intelligence Bureau and turf battles over jurisdiction have hampered coordination.

Intelligence Bureau (IB)

The IB is India's domestic intelligence agency, responsible for internal security intelligence, counterintelligence within India, and vetting of government personnel. It is the oldest intelligence organization in India, with origins in the colonial-era Special Branch.

• Mandate and controversies: The IB gathers intelligence on political, communal, and security threats within India. It is widely believed to monitor political parties, civil society organizations, and media. The agency operates without any legislative charter — there is no parliamentary act governing the IB — and is exempt from the Right to Information Act. It has been accused of surveilling political opponents, fabricating intelligence, and acting as an instrument of the ruling party. The "IB report" is frequently cited by governments to justify actions ranging from arrests to Governor's rule, but the agency's intelligence is not subject to judicial scrutiny.

National Technical Research Organisation (NTRO)

Established after the 1999 Kargil War (the Kargil Review Committee recommended a dedicated technical intelligence agency), the NTRO is responsible for technical intelligence — signals intelligence (SIGINT), imagery intelligence (IMINT), and cyber intelligence.

• Role and challenges: The NTRO operates satellites, interception systems, and cyber monitoring capabilities. However, it has struggled with inter-agency coordination, budget constraints, and competition with the Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA) and service-specific intelligence units. The NTRO's mandate overlaps with several other agencies, leading to inefficiencies.

Coordination Challenges

India's intelligence apparatus suffers from structural fragmentation. Multiple agencies (RAW, IB, NTRO, DIA, service intelligence directorates, state police Special Branches) operate with limited coordination. The creation of the National Security Council Secretariat (NSCS) and the position of National Security Advisor (NSA) was meant to improve coordination, but turf battles persist. The Multi-Agency Centre (MAC), which brings together representatives from all intelligence agencies, has improved information-sharing but remains a post-hoc coordination mechanism rather than an integrated system.

Citizen Awareness and Responsibilities

National security is not solely the government's responsibility. Citizens play a critical role in maintaining security through awareness, vigilance, and responsible behavior. Key areas of citizen engagement include:

• Cyber hygiene: Using strong passwords, enabling two-factor authentication, avoiding suspicious links and attachments, and keeping software updated can prevent a significant proportion of cyber attacks. Citizens should be aware of phishing attempts and social engineering tactics used by malicious actors.
• Countering disinformation: Before sharing news or information on social media, citizens should verify sources, check dates, and be aware of manipulated images and videos. The "forwarded" label on WhatsApp was introduced specifically to slow the spread of misinformation.
• Reporting suspicious activity: The Ministry of Home Affairs runs citizen awareness campaigns encouraging the reporting of unattended bags, suspicious behavior, and radicalization attempts to police or through dedicated hotlines.
• Balancing security and liberty: Citizens must engage critically with security measures that affect civil liberties. Surveillance programs, data collection, and anti-terrorism laws should be evaluated not only for their effectiveness but for their impact on democratic freedoms and minority rights. The tendency to accept any security measure in the name of "national interest" can lead to the erosion of constitutional protections.

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